There are different approaches to understanding Society, Politics and Power in Nigeria, or what we call have tagged, the Sociology of Politics. In Political Sociology, there are different approaches, prominent among which is the Plural theory/approach, Historical approach and Power theory. While most of these theories barely scratch the surface in illuminating how society and power relates, the power theory attempts at ontological explanations, comes closest to shedding light on how societies are run generally wherever humans are found. Deriving its foundation in political philosophy, power as a concept and social reality has often fascinated man. Literature assumed and ascribed the earliest writings on the concept of power to the writings of Thomas Hobbes and Niccolo Machiavelli. For Machiavelli, power is essentially a means to a given end. For him, power seeks advantages in societal relations and a prince would do well to cultivate and understand the uses to which power can be deployed. However, for Hobbes, power is centralized and is to be located in the state/sovereign. Even though individuals have power in themselves, and in relation to others, as well as seek strategic advantages for themselves in the protection of their interest in the state of nature, power is ultimately transferred and located in the state or organized political community. Thus, the Leviathan or the state possesses ‘unlimited power’ and whoever controls the state, controls its ‘unlimited power'. Therefore, while power in Machiavelli is decentralized, power in Hobbes is centralized.
Furthermore, while there could be overt and covert dimensions of power, of critical importance with implications for society is the four bases/networks of power, viz: ideological, economic, military and political. It should be noted that one form or base of power can turn or be turned into any one of the others. For example, economic power can transform into political power and likewise ideological power can influence military power. Again, this would explain the collaboration among various bases of power in Nigeria in their quest for political power. Additionally, this would explain the incidence of continuous collaboration between the different sets of the elite class in Nigeria where the capture of state power is the rope that binds them together, whether they are in the military (IBB), business (Dangote, Otedola), politics (Tinubu, Atiku) or an ideologue (Gana). Therefore, power relations in Nigeria is normless, economically determined and self-serving. This has implications for the Nigerian society which is the next focus of this paper as attempts will be made to deconstruct the various parts that constitute what can be theoretically said to be the Nigerian society.
The Nigerian Society
A society is made up of individuals and groups that shares common values, interest and are bound by a common sense of destiny. But a political society revolves around the issue of power and the state. Therefore, a political society comprises individuals and groups as well as a number of families that share common values and goals and are bounded by a common sense of destiny towards the control of state power as well as influence its uses.
The Nigerian Society
A society is made up of individuals and groups that shares common values, interest and are bound by a common sense of destiny. But a political society revolves around the issue of power and the state. Therefore, a political society comprises individuals and groups as well as a number of families that share common values and goals and are bounded by a common sense of destiny towards the control of state power as well as influence its uses.
The Nigerian Society is a highly fragmented one. Instead of being dominated by pursuits of common goals and objectives, it is often pulled in different directions by powerful individuals and groups often with selfish and less than altruistic motives. Within the context of the Nigerian society, the individual is docile, uncritical and highly religious. The high levels of religiousity coupled with trado-cultural inhibitions have limited the positive role that individuals and the mass of the people can play in the political and democratic process. In fact, religious and trado-cultural factors are partially responsible for high level of corruption, voters’ apathy and other vices as teachings from religions, traditions and culture dictate that senior or older persons, especially in positions of authority are not to be questioned, even if they are wrong.
It must be noted that in addition to the above, the individual in the Nigerian society is relatively poor compared to his peers in most parts of the world. Living on less than half a dollar a day (#150.00), he is confronted daily on how to survive and thus, socio-political issues do not matter to him. His first and foremost thought and need is to feed himself and his family, if he has one. Matters of vote and political participation are relatively unimportant to him and when they matter, such issues are seen from the prism of economic determinism, that is, how much he stands to gain economically or financially by voting or participating in the democratic process. That is why it is a common knowledge and sight to see prospective voters collect physical items from like foodstuffs and money from contestants and their agents during elections. This phenomenon has become an integral part of the electoral process and is what is now infamously called Stomach Infrastructure, signposting pervading and chronic poverty and a clear demonstration of power relations.
The situation is the same at the group level. Various groups that have emerged within the Nigerian society, including political ones (political parties) are mainly created and formed for economic emancipation. It is even worse in case of political parties where the capture of state power for personal aggrandizement rather than the love to serve the society is the overriding force and the motivating reason for the association. Political parties are formed, not to provide viable quality alternatives and services, but to further individual elite and group selfish interest and massage personal egos. Thus, politics and by extension, electoral contest becomes normless, ruthless, and survival of the strongest and fittest.
Many of the ‘socio-cultural groups’ are also driven by the need to enhance its members access to power and economic benefits accruing from the state as well as maintain its influence in the society. That is why it was easy, during the military era, especially during General Babangida’s regime, a lot of these socio cultural organizations fell prey to financial inducements from military rulers. In another dimension, the socio-cultural groups that were formed pre and post-independence started out as cultural groups but later metamorphosed into political movements first, and later into political parties. Even though most of these socio-cultural groups were nationalist in outlook, beneath that in their very foundation is the political economy factor. Political, because they harbour the hope to capture and exercise power after the departure of colonial masters. Economic, because they grasped very early that the capture of political power translates and guarantees access to state wealth for crude accumulation. Of course, one good example of socio-cultural organization that later transformed into political parties was the Egbe Omo Oduduwa that formed the Action Group. In fact all political parties of the first Republic emerged from the socio-cultural groups of that period. Action Group (AG), NPC and NCNC all have their roots in these groups. It should be noted that even though there is some form of fluidity in these socio-cultural groups, they are mainly ethnic based and access to positions of leadership restrictive. (Try and join any of these groups, socio-cultural or political, and see their reactions).
In recent times, most, if not all socio-cultural organizations in Nigeria do not concede the fact that they are highly political in nature, structure and character. Even when their activities betray otherwise, they still claim to be non-partisan. Like the individual, the socio-cultural groups’ motivation stems from the need to survive, be relevant and be economically secured irrespective of their proclamations and protestations to the contrary. They profess to serve the people and defend their interest, but the people are impoverished and pauperized by their activities. It is noteworthy that inspite of long years that socio-cultural groups like Arewa Consultative Forum, Afenifere and Ohaneze Ndigbo have been in existence, with their ‘socio-cultural’ outlook and profession, the average Nigerian man, who is supposed to be their ‘member’, have never been appointed/elected to any position in the body nor his lot better off in any way. Yet these groups claim to represent the individual and his interest. Thus, these socio-cultural groups, even though a segment of the Nigerian Society, are elitist in nature, controlled by elites and do not have any relationship, no matter how tenuous, with the individuals in the society and the people they claim to represent. Of course, the only relationship there is, is that of the individual and people serving as cannon folders for the ambitions of the these elites and promptly discarded once the elites have achieved their objectives.
The next group that made up the Nigerian Society are the Civil Society Organizations (CSOs). In an earlier work, I identified six (6) groups of CSOs in Nigeria. Out of the six identified, only one or two are genuine. Thus, most of these CSOs are likewise driven by economic empowerment, greed and are agents of the Nigerian state. Many of these CSOs are in the business of Civil Society because of foreign aid, grants and hand-out. Most are actually agents of destabilization and disempowerment of the people. An important feature of these organizations is their disconnection from the people as they are strictly urban based. They found relevance only once in a while as it happened during the June 12 election crisis and when their services are required during elections. While many people are not aware of their existence and operations, many of these CSOs are run by a coterie of selected few; without internal democracy and accountability. Again, the motivating factor for the foundation, emergence and operation of most of these CSOs is economic in nature.
Thus, in summary, the Nigerian society as presently structured is highly paternistic, dominated by religious and trado-cultural regulations and inhibitions. It is highly economically unequal, where the gap between the rich and the poor is extremely wide and is driven on the belief and attitude of what can be gained economically/financially from the state and foreign donors. This belief and attitude forms the motivating factor for individual’s participation in the political arena, electoral process and in actual voting. It is also this belief and attitude that informs the formation and emergence of different groups and associations in the society, particularly, political parties. It must be noted that what keeps the Nigerian society going, ironically, is the same religio-trado-cultural values and factors that also emphasizes fraternity (be your brothers’ keeper), collectivity (we are one) and sharing (alms giving).
The presence of these values of fraternity, collectivity and sharing has left the individual within the Nigerian society with a group identity, but as individuals, economically weak. Being economically weak, the individual is left disoriented because he is either unemployed or under employed as a result of few opportunities within the societal and state structures. Thus, the Nigerian society is not highly atomized as obtained in Western world but is significantly fragmented with a lot of pressures and tensions between and among groups and individuals. Contributing to these of course, is the issue of ethnicity which I have deliberately not delved into because all ethnic groups in Nigeria share similar religio-trado-cultural values and characteristics, irrespective of religious appellations. Also prominence was not given the issue of ethnicity because the concept of society in each group is almost the same or the same with other groups. That is why for example, Ohaneze Ndigbo in the East( Igboland), Afenifere in West (Yorubaland) and Arewa Consultative Forum in North (Hausa/Fulani and others), all profess serving localized ethnic interest but in reality are serving elite individual and group political and economic interest.
As earlier noted, there might be tensions arising from religious and ethnic differences within the Nigerian society, but the society has been structured over time in such a way that the elites at the heart of these different groups find it expedient to work together for mutual individual benefits as opposed to societal benefits and hence, keep majority of individual and the mass of the people within the Nigerian society perpetually in a state of dependence, underdevelopment and penury. This is sadly a description and mirror of the Nigerian society.
Thus, in conclusion, the Nigerian society is underdeveloped, economically weak, individually impoverished, govern by primordial sentiments and attachments, manipulated by elites and leaders who rule by deceits and guile for personal aggrandizement, and sustained by trado-religious and cultural values underpinned by poverty.
It must be noted that in addition to the above, the individual in the Nigerian society is relatively poor compared to his peers in most parts of the world. Living on less than half a dollar a day (#150.00), he is confronted daily on how to survive and thus, socio-political issues do not matter to him. His first and foremost thought and need is to feed himself and his family, if he has one. Matters of vote and political participation are relatively unimportant to him and when they matter, such issues are seen from the prism of economic determinism, that is, how much he stands to gain economically or financially by voting or participating in the democratic process. That is why it is a common knowledge and sight to see prospective voters collect physical items from like foodstuffs and money from contestants and their agents during elections. This phenomenon has become an integral part of the electoral process and is what is now infamously called Stomach Infrastructure, signposting pervading and chronic poverty and a clear demonstration of power relations.
The situation is the same at the group level. Various groups that have emerged within the Nigerian society, including political ones (political parties) are mainly created and formed for economic emancipation. It is even worse in case of political parties where the capture of state power for personal aggrandizement rather than the love to serve the society is the overriding force and the motivating reason for the association. Political parties are formed, not to provide viable quality alternatives and services, but to further individual elite and group selfish interest and massage personal egos. Thus, politics and by extension, electoral contest becomes normless, ruthless, and survival of the strongest and fittest.
Many of the ‘socio-cultural groups’ are also driven by the need to enhance its members access to power and economic benefits accruing from the state as well as maintain its influence in the society. That is why it was easy, during the military era, especially during General Babangida’s regime, a lot of these socio cultural organizations fell prey to financial inducements from military rulers. In another dimension, the socio-cultural groups that were formed pre and post-independence started out as cultural groups but later metamorphosed into political movements first, and later into political parties. Even though most of these socio-cultural groups were nationalist in outlook, beneath that in their very foundation is the political economy factor. Political, because they harbour the hope to capture and exercise power after the departure of colonial masters. Economic, because they grasped very early that the capture of political power translates and guarantees access to state wealth for crude accumulation. Of course, one good example of socio-cultural organization that later transformed into political parties was the Egbe Omo Oduduwa that formed the Action Group. In fact all political parties of the first Republic emerged from the socio-cultural groups of that period. Action Group (AG), NPC and NCNC all have their roots in these groups. It should be noted that even though there is some form of fluidity in these socio-cultural groups, they are mainly ethnic based and access to positions of leadership restrictive. (Try and join any of these groups, socio-cultural or political, and see their reactions).
In recent times, most, if not all socio-cultural organizations in Nigeria do not concede the fact that they are highly political in nature, structure and character. Even when their activities betray otherwise, they still claim to be non-partisan. Like the individual, the socio-cultural groups’ motivation stems from the need to survive, be relevant and be economically secured irrespective of their proclamations and protestations to the contrary. They profess to serve the people and defend their interest, but the people are impoverished and pauperized by their activities. It is noteworthy that inspite of long years that socio-cultural groups like Arewa Consultative Forum, Afenifere and Ohaneze Ndigbo have been in existence, with their ‘socio-cultural’ outlook and profession, the average Nigerian man, who is supposed to be their ‘member’, have never been appointed/elected to any position in the body nor his lot better off in any way. Yet these groups claim to represent the individual and his interest. Thus, these socio-cultural groups, even though a segment of the Nigerian Society, are elitist in nature, controlled by elites and do not have any relationship, no matter how tenuous, with the individuals in the society and the people they claim to represent. Of course, the only relationship there is, is that of the individual and people serving as cannon folders for the ambitions of the these elites and promptly discarded once the elites have achieved their objectives.
The next group that made up the Nigerian Society are the Civil Society Organizations (CSOs). In an earlier work, I identified six (6) groups of CSOs in Nigeria. Out of the six identified, only one or two are genuine. Thus, most of these CSOs are likewise driven by economic empowerment, greed and are agents of the Nigerian state. Many of these CSOs are in the business of Civil Society because of foreign aid, grants and hand-out. Most are actually agents of destabilization and disempowerment of the people. An important feature of these organizations is their disconnection from the people as they are strictly urban based. They found relevance only once in a while as it happened during the June 12 election crisis and when their services are required during elections. While many people are not aware of their existence and operations, many of these CSOs are run by a coterie of selected few; without internal democracy and accountability. Again, the motivating factor for the foundation, emergence and operation of most of these CSOs is economic in nature.
Thus, in summary, the Nigerian society as presently structured is highly paternistic, dominated by religious and trado-cultural regulations and inhibitions. It is highly economically unequal, where the gap between the rich and the poor is extremely wide and is driven on the belief and attitude of what can be gained economically/financially from the state and foreign donors. This belief and attitude forms the motivating factor for individual’s participation in the political arena, electoral process and in actual voting. It is also this belief and attitude that informs the formation and emergence of different groups and associations in the society, particularly, political parties. It must be noted that what keeps the Nigerian society going, ironically, is the same religio-trado-cultural values and factors that also emphasizes fraternity (be your brothers’ keeper), collectivity (we are one) and sharing (alms giving).
The presence of these values of fraternity, collectivity and sharing has left the individual within the Nigerian society with a group identity, but as individuals, economically weak. Being economically weak, the individual is left disoriented because he is either unemployed or under employed as a result of few opportunities within the societal and state structures. Thus, the Nigerian society is not highly atomized as obtained in Western world but is significantly fragmented with a lot of pressures and tensions between and among groups and individuals. Contributing to these of course, is the issue of ethnicity which I have deliberately not delved into because all ethnic groups in Nigeria share similar religio-trado-cultural values and characteristics, irrespective of religious appellations. Also prominence was not given the issue of ethnicity because the concept of society in each group is almost the same or the same with other groups. That is why for example, Ohaneze Ndigbo in the East( Igboland), Afenifere in West (Yorubaland) and Arewa Consultative Forum in North (Hausa/Fulani and others), all profess serving localized ethnic interest but in reality are serving elite individual and group political and economic interest.
As earlier noted, there might be tensions arising from religious and ethnic differences within the Nigerian society, but the society has been structured over time in such a way that the elites at the heart of these different groups find it expedient to work together for mutual individual benefits as opposed to societal benefits and hence, keep majority of individual and the mass of the people within the Nigerian society perpetually in a state of dependence, underdevelopment and penury. This is sadly a description and mirror of the Nigerian society.
Thus, in conclusion, the Nigerian society is underdeveloped, economically weak, individually impoverished, govern by primordial sentiments and attachments, manipulated by elites and leaders who rule by deceits and guile for personal aggrandizement, and sustained by trado-religious and cultural values underpinned by poverty.
Olugbemiga Afolabi
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